The genealogical connection of medieval kings of Spain to a specific people – the Visigoths – became among of the most important tools of legitimation used in the historiography written in the North-western Iberian Christian kingdoms. Chronicles and documents written under the direct command of king Alfonso III of Asturias affirmed the Gothic origins of the Asturian dynasty, an ideological current known as Neogothicism. In the same manner, and throughout the 11th-12th centuries, chronicles and documents issued by kings of León, successors of the Asturian kings, also used continuity with the Gothic past to consolidate the power of that dynasty. However, texts coming from other geographies, namely the territories of the recently formed kingdom of Portugal, opted for an alternative view of the past and of the origins of the realm, establishing other kinds of connections to validate the emergence of this new political entity. The aim of this paper is to show how continuity and discontinuity were used as an identity mark and a legitimation strategy in a set of texts written between the 10th and 12th centuries in Asturias, León and Portugal. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21839301/gua3a1

Two of the most importante narrative genres in the Middle Ages, namely hagiography and historiography, maintain a complex relationship of closeness. Some hagiographies have been used as a source by historians and historiography narrates events where saints intervein to a greater or a lesser extent. This paper will look upon on how iberian historiographical texts make use of saints in their narratives. The texts I will be focusing on here are dynastic chronicles written in the twelfth century Iberia: Historia Legionensis, Chronica Pelagiana and Chronica Naierensis. I will try to show that saints are usually evoked in connection to certain kings, queens and/or dynasties and they are used to validate a kingly order in a geography where traditional elements associated to sacred kingship are mostly absent.

This article aims to detect and analyze the presence of troubadour lyricism in the work of José Mário Branco, particularly in his first recording, the EP Seis Cantigas de Amigo, released in 1969 by Arquivos Sonoros Portugueses. I will begin by defining the concepts of political song and protest song (canção de intervenção), arguing that popular music, even when not overtly political, can still be considered political. I will then provide a brief overview of the use of troubadour lyric poetry in modern musical reinterpretations prior to the emergence of the baladeiro movement and the renewal of popular song that began in the 1950s. Finally, I will analyze the songs selected and set to music by José Mário Branco, examining his knowledge of the troubadour phenomenon in general and of specific authors in particular, the relationship between the original troubadour texts and their musical adaptations (in terms of selection, rewriting, and adaptation), and the aesthetic, social, or other principles that motivated him to set this kind of poetry to music.

In the 20th century, phenomena like that of mass art - particularly cinema - emerge in tandem with new forms of relationship between political power, ideology, art and aesthetics. With the Russian Revolution of 1917, and, later, with the spread of fascist regimes across Europe, alternating between bold aesthetic experimentation and the use of art as propaganda become factors that compel artists, in one way or another, to take some sort of stand. In this process, representations of the past are often employed so as to make it possible to speak about the present, especially when direct portrayal of the latter becomes 'politically problematic' (i.e. dangerous). Such is also the case with the concept of 'middle ages' itself, from its inception. Our aim in this paper is precisely to explore how representations of the middle ages serve, in different ways, as a vehicle for the expression of aesthetic and political views, in two films made in countries of the former socialist bloc, where the tensions and shifting pressures we mentioned become, more than a purely theoretical issue, a matter of survival: Sergei Einsenstein's Alexander Nevsky (1938) and František Vlácil's Márketa Lazarová (1967).

Garcia, filho mais novo de Fernando I (1038-1065) e de Sancha de Leão (1038-1067), foi contemplado com o reino da Galiza na divisão dos reinos promovida pelo pai. Ao fim de cinco anos de reinado, em 1071, foi preso pelo seu irmão Afonso, rei de Leão, que se torna rei da Galiza. Garcia passa o resto da sua vida encarcerado, acabando por morrer na prisão em 1090. A prisão e deposição de Garcia foram assuntos abundantemente revisitados pelas crónicas leonesas e castelhanas medievais desde o século XII. Contudo, é sobretudo no século XIII que os cronistas ibéricos começam a tecer justificações mais sólidas para os eventos ocorridos em torno desta transmissão de poder anómala. Este artigo pretende analisar os argumentos evocados pelos cronistas do século XII de forma a justificar a deposição de Garcia da Galiza, para depois avançar para o estudo do mesmo tema nas mais importantes crónicas ibéricas em latim do século XIII, o Chronicon Mundi, de Lucas de Tui, e De Rebus Hispaniae, de Rodrigo de Rada. Partindo do estudo dos argumentos aduzidos pelos dois cronistas tentar-se-á perceber as implicações ideológicas que a construção discursiva deste episódio tem no sistema de valores políticos que caracteriza os textos mencionados

Garcia, the youngest son of Ferdinand of Castile (1038-1065) and Sancha of León (1038-1067), was given the kingdom of Galicia by his parents, when they splited their kingdom by their sons. Five years into his reign, he was captured and imprisoned by one of his elder brothers, Alfonso, king of León, who becomes king of Galicia in its brother’s place. The former king spent the rest of his life in prison until his death in 1090. The circumstances which led to Garcia's arrest and captivity were frequently debated among the 12th medieval Iberian Latin historiographers. However, it is in the 13th century that historians elaborate more solid justifications to make sense, not only Garcia's fate but also the anoumalous power transmission that took place. This paper analyses the arguments brought up by the works of several 12th and 13th century historiographers of western Iberia – conceeding special attention to Lucas de Tuy’s Chronicon Mundi and Rodrigo de Rada’s De rebus Hispaniae – to justify the fall of Garcia of Galicia. It aims at understanding the relation between the discursive mutations of this episode and the writers’ political and ideological conceptions.

This paper seeks to reveal aspects of the process of the writing of history and the reinvention of the religious past which became crucial strategic elements in the legitimisation of some of the most important ecclesiastical institutions of medieval Iberia. Focusing on two texts, the Historia Compostellana and the Chronicon Iriense, both produced in the diocese of Santiago de Compostela, and each fundamental in defending the rights and authority of this powerful Galician see, we analyse their portrayal of Miro, king of the Suevi (r. 570-583), to whom is attributed the ecclesiastical organisation of northwestern Hispania. Both texts present this king as a central figure of Galician political and religious identity. The rewriting in medieval Compostela of Miro's history is shown to be a key element in the disputes between that diocese and other Iberian episcopates, namely Braga, Toledo, Mondoñedo and Lugo.