The university in Angola, as new experience, expects two preoccupations: (i) its implementation inside the norms universally accepted; (ii) looking for its identity for responding the necessities of Angolan social anatomy. The present article is a synthesis of an experimental research between 2008-2012. We think that one of the ways to build the Angolan State-nation can be aimed by Academic Studies.

Neste trabalho proponho olharmos as relações entre os testemunhos de ex-combatentes da FRELIMO e o projeto de “Homem Novo” gestado nos campos de treinamento da FRELIMO, especificamente a base de treinamento de Nachingwea, localizada na parte sul no território da Tanzânia, país vizinho ao Norte de Moçambique. O “Homem Novo” é desenvolvido através da luta pela independência, com a perspectiva de que o movimento FRELIMO é um dos principais interlocutores do processo, e dos meios empregados para a superação do passado colonial. No primeiro momento faço um panorama dos elementos do colonialismo português (estatuto indigenista, sistema de educação, e o processo de assimilação) observando a dificuldade em formar a união em Moçambique devido a estes impactos do sistema educacional e indigenista do período colonial. Em seguida, discuto o conceito de Estado-nação, em busca de compreender porque se questionam a possibilidade de existência da Nação em Moçambique. Para, baseado nessa análise, procurar as origens da categoria de “Homem-novo” e como este projeto tratava de estabelecer uma identidade Moçambicana enquanto criava os marcos fundadores das narrativas sobre o processo de independência. Por fim, abarco uma análise de cinco testemunhos de ex-combatentes da FRELIMO para observar o processo de interação destas pessoas com o projeto de “Homem Novo”.

Through explanatory analysis, this dissertation works the aspects referring to the autonomy of the State-Nations and the functions played by the social contemporary movements especially in Brazil and Argentina and where up to a certain point these are instruments capable to propitiate citizenship and a participant democracy in addition having the capacity to insert socially some segments that find difficulties to participate in the productive process. For this reason, it is necessary to define social movement as an instrument capable of considering the different individual expectations for an entire group of the population, taking in consideration the differences in gender, age, income, culture and the access if the basic rights, along with others. From the participation of individuals, the advances begin to constitute conquests and no more concessions of the of the power holders. From this point, the relevance of the new social actions as instruments of construction of a experienced citizenship, for being seeds of the conquest and for having as a purpose the capacity of creating social standards that do not exclude individuals but that promote and respect the diversities. Since the latest actions of the State-Nations are in the definition of domestic politics increasingly articulated in a level of regional blocks, local alternatives can represent the creation of new spaces of politics and democratic construction. This way, the civil society can generate through social movements areas of negotiation in which the decisions are formed in favor of the social welfare. That is, not only relegating to the States the monopoly of the decisions.

In the mid-19th century, two opposing or complementary views to understand the border came together in the peninsular public space. On the one hand, the Iberian approaches which, supported in geographic studies and reconnaissance trips, questioned the existence of the natural border, interpreted as a monarchical construct based on historical contingencies, not in the common body of the Peninsula. On the other hand, the advancement of the process ofnationalization and consolidation of liberal States, in addition to the new cartographic developments led to a growing interest in delimit the border accurately and on-the-spot in order to exercise sovereignty over the territory and prevent practices of proximity between the bordering populations.

Defining the concept of the nation-state requires a diachronic approach to understand that its material emergence did not happen overnight. In Europe, it was only after the liberal revolutions that sovereignty was transferred from monarchs to the citizens, who, in turn, delegated this power to their legitimate representatives. The concept of the nation-state is linked to many other concepts, such as territory, historical memory, consensual mythology, democratic culture, shared technical and economic infrastructures, and the legal status of citizens. However, the emergence of the nation-state involved the destruction of the social and political models of the Old Regime, which established the division between subjects and monarchs. Thus, the modern idea of the Nation and the nationalism that derives from it implied a break with traditional political models and the hierarchies that were the foundations of society. Today, however, the situation is quite different, especially within the European Community. One of the symbols of national political power is being lost: national currencies are being replaced by the euro. In this context, it is legitimate to ask whether the nation-state is coming to an end, or whether, on the contrary, the European Union (whether federal or not) will manage to preserve the diversity of the nation-states.