Essa dissertação analisa a rotinização da violência na vida de mulheres palestinas a partir da ocupação israelense de 1967. O objetivo é compreender como a violência deixa de ser percebida como anômica e passa a fazer parte da vida cotidiana, destrinchando a maneira como as infraestruturas urbanas, principalmente de abastecimento de água e de mobilidade no território, são transformadas em instrumentos de guerra. Com base em perspectivas da antropologia das infraestruturas, que compreendem a relação entre o material e as implicações sociais que ele produz, em conjunto com o debate sobre rotinização da violência é possível perceber que o conflito dissolve a sua exceção em infraestruturas. Argumento que a relação entre violência rotinizada e infraestruturas só poderia ser observadas como algo central na questão palestina a partir da fala de mulheres. Isso porque essa forma de violência tem a sua invisibilidade como um princípio, ela é escondida, entremeada em canos, redes de esgoto, elétrica, rodovias e postos de controle. Em sua grande maioria, essa violência faz parte do ambiente doméstico, não é espetacular, não chama atenção da mídia e é muitas vezes percebida como um problema relacionado à pobreza e não necessariamente à guerra. Nesse sentido, a partir de uma perspectiva generificada das infraestruturas é possível observar violências que são construídas para não serem vistas e para desmobilizar todo um grupo social. Assim, usufruo do diálogo com três palestinas que foram entrevistadas via videoconferência ou aplicativo de mensagem durante a pandemia de covid-19. Suas percepções de violência nos levam aos debates sobre violências, infraestruturas e mobilidades que constituem os capítulos deste trabalho, e que nos ajudam a observar a forma como a ocupação israelense se baseia na construção de infraestruturas de controle em diferentes níveis, que incorporam em si uma violência lenta e invisível. Assim, há uma tentativa de perpetuação da guerra por uma violência infraestrutural, que dilui o estado de exceção na vida cotidiana e anexa o corpo das mulheres em seu processo que concomitantemente reproduz a vida e incorpora a violência.

Through a study about Joe Sacco s series Palestine and his books Notes from a defeatist and Footnotes in Gaza, this research aims to show how the art of the comics emerges as an appropriate language to address a complex issue as the conflict between Arabs and Jews in dispute for the Palestinian territory. Based on the Identity approach, considering how the journalist and cartoonist Joe Sacco, Maltese by birth, cosmopolitan by vocation, constructs a narrative that highlights the otherness, establishing a productive counterpoint to understand this conflict in the Middle East: from the perspective of those that, by Western corporations that emerged, were thrown to the mists of oblivion. From the new perspectives provided by various historiography strands, as the Intellectual History and Cultural Studies, aggregate to a rich conceptual framework for research on manned imagery issue, it is possible to envision new paradigms that can be incorporated into the research on the topic in order to enter the HQ universe into contemporary historiography discussions. Theme whose interest is piqued by naturally transcends the clichés for this conferred a priori. It is understood by commonplace in this case the sphere of entertainment, which includes mostly symbolic products disseminated on a large scale marketing purposes and for leisure.

O objetivo deste estudo foi descrever os perfis de cultura organizacional e suas dimensões nos hospitais governamentais e não governamentais da Faixa de Gaza da Palestina. Trata-se de uma pesquisa transversal descritiva que envolveu 400 participantes de hospitais governamentais e não governamentais no período de junho a dezembro de 2018. A população de estudo incluiu todas as categorias de trabalhadores dos hospitais como médicos, enfermeiras, paramédicos e administradores. Cerca de 60% da amostra era do sexo masculino e 40% do feminino. A faixa etária da maior parte dos participantes situava-se entre 20 e 40 anos. Destes, 78,2% possuíam bacharelado ou pós-graduação, enquanto 17,9% possuíam apenas diploma de graduação ou níveis menores de formação. O tamanho amostral dos participantes foi diverso de acordo com os tipos e capacidades dos hospitais. O maior número de participantes foi de hospitais governamentais com 82,5%, enquanto 17,5% eram de hospitais não governamentais. Os perfis de cultura organizacional mais comuns nos hospitais da Faixa de Gaza foram a cultura de clãs e de hierarquia. Os hospitais não governamentais apresentaram médias superiores aos governamentais em todos os perfis de cultura organizacional. É recomendável o uso de uma abordagem abrangente da cultura organizacional de modo a estudá-la e perceber sua direção e tendência antes de se estabelecer novos procedimentos ou iniciativas.

Based on the analysis of Edward Said’s works, interviews and political views on Israeli-Palestinian relations, the article discusses how inflections in the author’s activism articulate with the evolution of his theoretical reflections. It is argued that Said’s changes of position on the conflicts of the Palestinian question reflect continuous movements of his theoretical production, particularly the development of critical theses about forms and practices of identity filiation. Although Said changes some opinions over the years, it is pointed out that his theoretical critique of identity logic, especially what he calls the “partition model” of nationalism, as well as the praise of a universalist position, have always been present in his work.

This thesis is dedicated to the study of literary festivals, recognized as a widespread social and cultural phenomenon. In particular, it examines how this type of event has been organized in two different contexts with decolonial aims, namely in a Brazilian metropolis and in historical Palestine. The festivals in focus are FLUP, the Rio de Janeiro-based Festa Literária das Periferias, running since 2012, and PalFest, the Palestine-based Palestine Festival of Literature, running since 2008. The events, despite their differences, share a strong activist nature and overtly aim at combining literary discussions with political practices here addressed as “decolonial”. The objective of this research is at the same time to look at each festival individually, questioning how they reflect the dynamics in place in their respective literary fields, and to examine how their practices intersect and differ. As far as its structure is concerned, the thesis aims at creating a journey which moves across the festivals, the territories where they are organized, and the literary publications resulting from the events. It starts with a reflection on what festivals are, and how literary festivals can be studied; it then surveys the references that contributed to tracing the dialogue between a Palestinian and a Brazilian cultural event, before analyzing each festival in more depth; finally, it provides a comparative reading of two anthologies edited by the festivals’ organizers. Since both festivals give great importance to the act of moving through territories that are severely fragmented along colonial and/or socioeconomical divides – FLUP changes its location around the city of Rio de Janeiro every year, while PalFest travels across different cities in historical Palestine during the festival week –, this literary analysis is dedicated to the ways the festivals’ mobility is translated and represented in their respective published literature. Thus, FLUP’s anthology of short stories Eu me chamo Rio (2015), edited by Julio Ludemir and Ecio Salles, and PalFest’s tenth anniversary anthology This is Not a Border (2017), edited by Ahdaf Soueif and Omar Robert Hamilton, are read together around the representation of a common topic in each: the collective means of transport, such as the bus, that allows authors and/or characters to travel across the same territories where the festivals organize their activities.

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem como intuito dar a conhecer o percurso de vida de mulheres palestinianas. Envoltas num clima de conflito armado de longa duração, tendo em conta o desenrolar do conflito israelo-árabe e, por conseguinte, o conflito israelo-palestiniano, as mulheres palestinianas confrontam-se, diariamente, com o desafio do estado de vigilância constante para a sua própria segurança ou a (re)organização da cultura do quotidiano. Influenciada pela abordagem das teorias feministas, procura-se mobilizar a perspetiva das biografadas para o campo do conhecimento histórico e científico, através das suas experiências de vida, das suas subjetividades, sobre a forma como se posicionam sobre os direitos das mulheres e os direitos humanos, o seu sentido de pertença e conceção de identidade, o modo como (re)constroem e resistem num contexto de instabilidade(s) constante(s). Para o entendimento informado sobre condições e situações a que as palestinianas estiveram e estão sujeitas, foi necessário ter em consideração, primeiramente, a conjuntura social, cultural, histórica e política daquela zona geográfica em conflito. Após a definição da abordagem metodológica, procedeu-se à interpretação das narrativas produzidas a partir das entrevistas, à luz do quadro de análise teório e concetual.

Este artigo explora o protelamento dos processos diplomáticos favorecendo regimes coloniais no Saara Ocidental e na Palestina, suspendendo a possibilidade da paz emancipatória. Os povos saharaui e palestino lutam pela libertação nacional como realização da sua autodeterminação, mas tal direito tem sido diluído em processos infindáveis de negociações pautadas por estratégias coercivas numa correlação de forças desfavorável para os oprimidos. Com abordagem crítica e marxista ao Direito Internacional e às Relações Internacionais, o artigo parte de uma investigação histórico-materialista desses processos para discutir o problema e as suas alternativas. O objetivo é discutir essas condições históricas, as estratégias de “diplomacia emancipatória” e a “autodeterminação continuada” de saharauis e palestinos, atores em movimento de afirmação como sujeitos históricos através da luta por libertação nacional.

The aim of this dissertation is to understand how the European Union's policies for development action in the Palestinian Territories can be interpreted as a neo-colonial relationship. This problem arises at a time when the conflict between Israel and Palestine has reached a new high point. The attacks of 7 October have led to relations between Israel and Palestine being strained once again. On 29 January 2024, the conflict has left more than 26,000 people dead in the Gaza Strip, and only 4 of UNRWA's 22 health centres are operational. The year 2023 was the year in which the most Palestinians from the West Bank have died in recent decades; since 7 October, 367 Palestinians have died in the region. In January 2024, South Africa decided to accuse Israel of war crimes and genocide against the Palestinian people at the International Court of Justice, and it was decided that the Court would investigate the accusations of genocide. In light of this situation, the European Union has come out in favour of a ceasefire but has cut aid relations with Palestine. Currently, the European Union is the largest donor of development aid in the Palestinian Territories and its action in this place is notorious, being an actor present in NGOs, schools, hospitals, local governments, among others. The European Union has established itself as the biggest player in the region. At the same time, the EU is also a strong economic and financial partner of Israel, nurturing close relations with the country. At a time of war, the European Union illuminated several of its buildings with the Israeli flag, in a show of support for Israel. In this clear support for Israel, the European Union withdrew its support for UNRWA, the largest development organisation in the Gaza Strip. The effects of this funding freeze are still unclear, but it demonstrates a link between the EU, Israel and Palestine. The European Union's treatment of the Palestinian territories and their inhabitants raises questions about its actions there. The support given to Israel and Palestine is not given in the same way, creating a difference between Europeans and European descendants of the Arab people of Palestine. Analysing Edward Saïd's work, we can find orientalist and post-colonial traits in the aid given by the European Union to the Palestinian Territories, limiting its aid according to Israel's demands. This dissertation proposes to analyse whether the support given and the way in which the European Union acts in the Palestinian Territories, through development aid, can be translated as a neo-colonial relationship.

This thesis offers an analysis of the strategies of Palestinian and Saharawi civil society actors through the discussion of the practice of self-determination and the use of international law. It identifies the challenges faced by actors in a precarious situation in a system of nation-states, and the tactics they have adopted. It thus contributes to the study of violent conflicts and their causes, reflecting on the effects of the non-implementation of self-determination in suspending chances for an emancipatory peace.In particular, this thesis analyzes the role of civil society actors in Palestine and Western Sahara’s struggles for national liberation from Israel and Morocco, in protracted conflicts structured by prolonged military occupation and settler-colonialization. The research adopts a historical-materialist approach to the study of oppression and resistance to inquire into the limitations and opportunities found in liberal frameworks of international relations and international law. The thesis shows that Palestinians and Saharawis resist in multifaceted forms, as national liberation movements, states in the making, and civil society, as subjects in international history, through struggle. As a result of empirical analysis, the thesis conceptualizes emancipatory diplomacy and prefigured self-determination as these actors’ strategies and praxis in both resisting colonization and occupation, and mitigate the effects of the protraction of their plights, particularly as sustained in the convergence between the colonizers and world powers through different kinds of interventions. Part of these strategies, also their uses of recognition and legitimacy are paramount in the analysis, as discursive strategies aiming at building up solidarity and concrete support. The study stems from critical research committed with the abolition of structures and relations of oppression through a Marxist project for emancipation. Empirical research is done through semi-structured interviews and the participant observation of the engagement of civil society actors in the UN Human Rights Council and the refugee camps in Algeria and Lebanon, in 2017 and 2018. Results are triangulated with the analysis of documents elaborated by these actors and of UN reports and resolutions on their specific cases, using discourse analysis to identify the main challenges and arguments in the emancipatory strategy.The thesis seeks to understand the reasons and challenges of Palestinian and Saharawi actors in their mobilization and use of international law for national liberation; identify the normative and institutional limitations found by these actors in the course of their struggles, and alternatives to these limitations; contribute to the critique of structures and dynamics that sustain these conflicts and prevent self-determination and peace; conduct a qualitative comparison that is underexplored between two similar cases under an internationalist perspective of solidarity; contribute to debates on strategy and tactics in national liberation movements and other contemporary emancipatory movements; promote critical Marxist approaches to International Relations and International Law as alternatives to hegemonic paradigms and discuss paths for a just peace and emancipation.

O objetivo desta entrevista a Shahd Wadi é dar voz a alguém que vive a história da Palestina no próprio corpo. Os discursos hegemónicos sobre a história da questão palestiniana/israelita estão repletos de esquecimentos, enganos, erros, e, até falsidades, que são os pilares de uma pseudo-história que se quer apresentar como realidade, quando quase nada ocorreu conforme o contam. Como forma de luta contra essa quase anti-história, dá-se aqui conta das relações de poder que envolvem todos os sistemas e estruturas opressoras e oprimidas.